NEW IMMIGRANTS IN THE NEW SOUTH

A Bibliographical Essay

    In an earlier essay, the author disputed conclusions of John Higham and Rowland T. Berthoff on the nativist sentiments of late nineteenth century Southerners. The intense antipathy Southerners directed toward outsiders after 1915 was not the result of "an astonishing revolution in the early twentieth century," as Higham argued.1 Nor was Berthoff correct in concluding that contrary opinions coexisted in the South before 1900, with pro-immigrant industrial and planter interests opposed by a pervasive popular xenophobia.2 Instead, the author found evidence of a southern consensus: even among those most actively promoting immigration, a consistent set of qualifications was applied to the type of immigrant sought.3

    A student of the ideas of a pre-Gallop population must be cautious in his choice and interpretation of sources. New South newspapers and periodicals peddled the party line, while the opinions of politicians, if subject to some popular pressure, might not match their constituents'. The historian's task is complicated further by the fact that relatively few immigrants answered the region's carefully qualified invitation, so that southern suspicions of outsiders were seldom acted upon.

    Potentially more debilitating to a student of southern nativism than scarce or suspect sources is the uncertainty of the subject's significance. The southern states' latent late nineteenth century nativism may say more about the region's internal economic and social uncertainties than about the immigration debate, the fate of those who came later, or the state of those already arrived. Although important as a symptom of southern idiosyncrasies, the nativist impulse can be examined more profitably within the context of the interaction or anticipated interaction of cultures. Since the sine qua non for the student of immigration to the New South was the disinclination of outsiders to settle there, before assessing the experiences of those did, one must account for the refusal of the rest to tie their destiny to that of the region.

    Proponents of industrial expansion tirelessly expounded the region's attractions while denying its deficiencies. The most influential advocate of southern progress was the Manufacturers' Record, published bi-weekly in Baltimore beginning in 1882, but equally ardent were most southern city newspapers. The needs for both industrial and agricultural labor were stressed, the latter to supplement or even supplant that furnished by blacks, who seemed unable to satisfy the spokesmen for former masters and their successors. Frustrated by their failure to seduce suitable settlers southward, such sources usually saddled responsibility on an unspecified "prejudice against the South."4

    When several southern state governments renewed organized efforts to attract immigrants around 1904, a number of northern-based philanthropic and public affairs periodicals furnished a forum for those fearful of the foreigners still flooding into the North. Between 1905 and 1909, articles appeared in The American Monthly Review of Reviews, Atlantic Monthly, Charities, The Nation, The Outlook, Public Opinion, The Survey, World's Work, amd The World To-day, all agreeing that the South should absorb a larger share of the immigrants and perhaps accept some of the surplus population of northern cities as well.

    In their explanations of the South's failure to attract immigrants to date, these sources were far more indulgent than northerners of the previous decade, which had been quick to cite southern 'lawlessness," "Bourbonism," and "short-sighted bigotry."5 In order not to insult their potential benefactors, more innocuous explanations were offered, such as the southern climate, immigrants' predilection for existing communities of their compatriots, and their disinclination to live near and compete with blacks. Several of these sources saw great promise in the 1905 tour of Italian agricultural communities in Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Louisiana by Italian Ambassador Baron Edmondo Mayor des Planches, whose kind words to the railway officials sponsoring his trip were interpreted as evidence of unequivocal endorsement of such colonization efforts. The periodic violence visited upon several of these colonies was glossed over in the desire to find, as one author subtitled his article, "A New Solution for the Immigration Problem." A further sop to the South was the certainty that an immigrant influx would not only answer southern economic needs, it would also prompt a complementary exodus of blacks from the region.6

    Several southern sources seconded these recommendations and expectations in 1904 and 1905. Articles in Southern Farm Magazine and South Atlantic Quarterly cited the success of experiments with Italian labor in the South's cotton fields and the challenge blacks might face from such competition. Alfred Holt Stone, a Mississippi planter, called blacks' "shiftlessness and improvidence" a constant "curse to the race" and argued that, when word of the superiority of Italian labor reached planters and potential immigrants, the prejudice of each group toward the other would be overcome.7

    Less indulgent of the South in 1905 were more scholarly northern-based journals, including The American Journal of Sociology and Political Science Quarterly. Both hoped the South would open its arms to immigrants in the future but were far more realistic about the region's reluctance in the past. Harshest was Walter L. Fleming of West Virginia University, who found the roots of southern distrust of outsiders in antebellum defense of slavery and lingering bitterness from the war and reconstruction. Southern fears of labor unrest and debasement of the region's white racial stock explained their continuing preference for more docile black labor. Although conceding these points, Fleming blamed northern labor and anti-child labor agitators for exaggerating the South's deficiencies, and concluded that inbred prejudices, violence, poor schools and churches, undiversified agriculture, an unstable economy, and inaccessibility had not kept several agricultural immigrant colonies from succeeding. While one must question the chances of such salesmanship succeeding, Fleming's honesty deserved praise.8

    Most perceptive of contemporary observers were The Outlook and The Nation, whose 1907 articles addressed evidence overlooked or ignored by other advocates of immigration to the South. The former, while still proclaiming the potential of Italian farm labor, admitted that "the anti-Italian sentiment in Mississippi is so strong that one of the candidates for Governor made it one of the chief planks of his platform," while a renewal of violence against Italians was attributed to "the evident desire of the labor malcontents among the unskilled whites to drive both the Italian and the negro laborers from the sawmill field."9 Meanwhile, the editors of The Nation made a connection between "Southern Peonage and Immigration." Citing a recent Assistant U. S. Attorney General's report of peonage in the South, The Nation condemned not just the South "for its failure to treat its own labor supply well," but the articles which had recently "appeared all over the country condoling with the negro, or rejoicing over his certain economic extinction by the European invader." The hoped-for invasion would never come, The Nation concluded, so long as "in a professed republic thousands of its citizens are deprived of the ballot because of their color, are at the mercy of lynch law, and being pushed downwards instead of being helped upwards."10

    In 1909 University of Wisconsin political economist Caroline E. MacGill seconded the suggestion of these insightful sources that stricter enforcement of the contract labor law by American officials in 1907 further explained the decision of the Italian government to cease sanctioning settlement of its citizens in the South.11 The 1908 Annual Report of the U. S. Commissioner-General of Immigration recommended that exemptions from rigid enforcement of contract labor laws in the South be considered.12 But according to Robert L. Brandfon's Cotton Kingdom of the New South, published in 1967, the end of Italian immigration to the Mississippi Delta actually came soon after, and in part as a result of, the heralded 1905 tour of Ambassador Mayor des Planches.

    Relying on the records of the Illinois Central Railroad, which sponsored the tour, and several Italian sources, Brandfon found that the ambassador's powers of observation had not been dimmed by the civilities of his hosts. For example, in Marathon, Mississippi, the ambassador found furious countrymen without work or funds to go elsewhere, and as his delegation reached New Orleans, an epidemic of yellow fever swept the city, confirming the ambassador and his Italian correspondents in their impression of an unhealthy southern climate, social and economic as well as meteorological. Although armed with epistles of introduction from the ambassador, representatives of the railroad hereafter found Italian emigration officials unwilling to assist in directing their citizens to the South.13 And while they could rot be faulted for failing to consult sources unavailable to them, those who sought to capitalize on the ambassador's visit succeeded only in further damaging their credibility with the student of their efforts.

    Several earlier scholars had sketched the sociology of southern Italy to explain the preference of Italians for American cities, but Brandfon most convincingly incorporated this cultural heritage into his explanation for the immigrants' ultimate decision to avoid the Scuth.14 Industrialization in Italy was displacing farm laborers there, and their tendency toward America's cities was a reflection of this previously established pattern. Meanwhile, southern cotton production was becoming the province of huge combinations of often distant capitalists. These firms were capable of sponsoring colonization efforts, but their desire was for labor, not the permanent, land owning settlers preferred by non-planter interests and even railroad officials. The plantation-tenant system in the South may have been familiar to southern Italians and Sicilians, but as Brandon asked, why would an ambitious young immigrant "undertake the expense and hazards of a 5,000 mile journey to exchange one type of tenancy for another?" Since the bulk of Italian immigrants saw themselves as sojourners, the higher wages available in northern industrial centers were finally more seductive. When the boll weevil arrived in the Delta in 1907, worst hit were black cotton growers on the marginal lands near Natchez. Planters found in these desperate blacks the cheap, docile labor they longed for, and their brief affair with the illusive Italian immigrant was over.15 It was just as well. Two decades of indignities and indifference had already convinced him to go elsewhere.

    Students of other immigrants to the South have found similar reasons for their unimpressive numbers. Leonard Dinnerstein and Steven Hertzberg, for example, in their work on southern Jewry stressed inertia - the tendency of immigrants toward existing ethnic communities.16 But whether or not foreigners were willing to consider the South a potential home, the predominant southern attitude toward outsiders persisted. Economic rejuvenation after 1898 may have rekindled the dream of rapid southern industrialization along with the effort to redirect some of the record American immigration toward the South. But even foreigners who responded to the offer of southern hospitality quickly learned its limits.

    Perhaps the best testimony to the resistance of Southerners to indiscriminate immigration was published as the Proceedings of the Conference of State Immigration, Land, and Labor Officials with Representatives of the Division of Information, Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization, Department of Commerce and Labor, held in Washington, D. C., November 16-17, 1911, a source not cited in any previous study of the subject. Most revealing was the absence of delegates from every southern state on the Atlantic or Gulf between Maryland and Louisiana. Nevertheless, southern opinions were reviewed by several participants in a position to know them. Conference Chairman Terrence V. Powderly, former head of the Knights of Labor, now of the U. S. Commerce and Labor Department's Division of Information, explained that the unwillingness of southern state governments to cooperate with his office resulted from "a mistaken impression ... that the division was attempting to dump men on the South from southern Europe."17

    The largest literature on an individual immigrant group is that about, and largely by, southern Jews. Of course, Jews of German background had been at home in the South long before the arrival of eastern European Jews around the turn of the century, but even though-the histories published in that period focused on the former, they shed light on the latter as well. Among German Jews in the South, even those who most tenaciously kept the faith, integration into the larger, overwhelmingly Christian community had been much desired, and to a remarkable degree accomplished. This assimilation was attested to by the near absence of identifiably Jewish sources in the South before 1900. Congregational records did not circulate beyond the bounds of local Jewish communities, and individual writings were invariably aimed at a larger audience. For example, Berlin-born poet Ludwig Lewisohn, who immigrated with his family in 1892 to Charleston, where they associated neither with "North German peasants turned grocers ... nor with rather ignorant, semi-orthodox Jews from Posen," made a "passionate effort to leap the hurdle of his race and be accepted as a Gentile Southerner." Lewisohn's "Books We Have Made," a critically acclaimed essay in defense of post-Civil War southern literature, published in 1903 while he was a student at the College of Charleston, was undoubtedly an effort to find for himself a place in that tradition.22

    And yet beginning in 1905, Jewish congregations all across the South called attention to themselves by telling their histories. What prompted a community which had sought for a century to submerge itself suddenly to publish a previously private past? Perhaps Jews' new public self-consciousness arose, in part, from a desire to disassociate themselves from the newly-arrived East Europeans, especially after southern demagogues discovered the effectiveness of anti-Semitic appeals in 1913. "In March 1916, when the collaborators first approached friends with regard to the propriety of publishing" The History of the Jews of Richmond, 1769-1917, the fate of Leo Frank was fresh in the minds of every southern Jew. The uncertainty felt by even the most established was evident in the authors' opening words, which began this paragraph, and in their earnest efforts to remind gentile Richmond of their deep roots there. The family of Herbert T. Ezekiel, co-author and publisher of the massive work, had been in the city since 1818, along with even earlier arrivals, so that Ezekiel could claim that "the history of the Jews of Richmond is the history of Richmond." There was no greater effort to demonstrate the truth of this statement than in the nine chapters devoted to Richmond Jews' devotion to the Confederate cause. But if local Jews were "proud of their success" and contributions to the community, Ezekiel was careful to share credit with "their Christian neighbors, for there are few enterprises in this city that flourish from the support of a single class."23

    Predictably fileopietistic, these first books - full of names, dates, and organizations - were of interest primarily to antiquarians and another generation of amateurs. For example, the object of Mrs. David J. Greenberg in Through the Years: A Study of the Richmond Jewish Community, privately published in 1954, was merely to bring the Ezekiel-Lichtenstein study up to date.24 Even a recent publication by the University of Alabama attempted to do little more. Rabbi Mark H. Elovitz omitted the "how" and "why" and asked only "who" and "what" about A Century of Jewish Life in Dixie: The Birmingham Experience (1974), focusing on the community's elite and accepting uncritically the testimonials, speeches, and obituaries that dominated his bibliography and even much of his text. Elovitz's chapter on "Economic Affairs in the Eighties and Nineties" offered no estimate of the occupational structure eastern European immigrants encountered, but rather chronicled the careers of eighteen successful merchants. And except in a sketchy summary of the civil rights issue in the last quarter century, the reader might easily lose sight of the southern setting through which these lifeless characters pass.25

    If the first histories were an expression of turn of the century tensions in southern and southern Jewish communities, an external threat may have stimulated a more scholarly examination of these tensions. As Julian B. Feibelman explained in 1941, "the European horrors of the past few years, stressing nationalism and race, ... awakened a dormant spirit in all Jewish communities." Perhaps this spirit prompted Feibelman's Social and Economic Study of the New Orleans Jewish Community, originally a dissertation in sociology at the University of Pennsylvania. Largely a statistical survey of contemporary New Orleans Jewry, the study included a historical sketch acknowledging the internal conflicts that came with the East European immigrants. Although established New Orleans Jews helped sponsor a short-lived agricultural settlement of Russian Jews at Sicily Island, Louisiana, in 1882, subsequent Russian immigrants to the city were isolated from the original Sephardic and German Jewish residents.26 At the same time, Feibelman credited the later arrivals with slowing the assimilation process enough to preserve in the city an identifiable Jewish community, a fearful concern shared by many Jews in the 1940s.

    Further sobered by the holocaust, even many southern Jews who had previously sought amalgamation saw the need for vigilance. And while continuing to stress their shared southern heritage, several Jews in the post-war period publicly recognized the limits of southern tolerance. North Carolina journalist and folklorist Harry L. Golden, for example, whose historical writings were undocumented and fileopietistic, argued in Jewish Roots in the Carolinas: A Pattern of American Philo-Semitism that the South "has provided the most favorable 'atmosphere' the Jewish people have known in the modern world."27 Even East European "textile Jews," who as peddlers and soft goods merchants brought new methods of distribution to the southern cotton industry, found the region hospitable. A few overtly anti-Semitic incidents were called aberrations, although in articles for national Jewish periodicals in the early 1950s, Golden acknowledged the persistence of more subtle forms of discrimination, by established Jews against East Europeans and by gentiles against both. In "Jew and Gentile in the New South: Segregation at Sundown," Golden described the invisible barriers that descended at dark, sending Southerners who had spent the day doing business or charitable work together to separate social clubs and gatherings.28

    Support for this largely positive appraisal was provided by C. Bezalel Sherman, a northern student of "Charleston, S. C. 1750-1950," published in Jewish Frontier in 1951. The relative absence of social anti-Semitism was a result of the South's "preoccupation with the Negro," against whom Jews were perceived as an ally. Neither did there occur significant economic competition, as Jewish merchants often catered to local blacks, whose business established whites did not solicit. Sherman's simplistic treatment of diversity within the Charleston Jewish community did not completely obscure the obstacles awaiting those ambitious to climb in Jewish or gentile society, but he concluded with the optimism preferred by editors of and subscribers to such popular publications.29

    Those skeptical about a scarcity of anti-Semitic sentiment in the South might be reassured by the scholarship of John Higham, one of few non-Jewish historians to address the subject. Blacks, Higham concluded, often served as a "lightning rod" for southern prejudice, while the relatively few Jews in the region threatened white gentile Southerners neither racially nor economically. The small town Jewish furnishing merchant, although occasionally reviled for his reputed role in the crop-lien system, more regularly was respected as "the heir, guardian, and living embodiment of the Old Testament tradition." Meanwhile, Jews in the urban South were protected by the respect many had earned in public and private life "before the status rivalries of the late nineteenth century crystallized."30 Although this last assertion remained to be tested in in-depth studies of southern communities, Higham's insights into all aspects of American nativism established points of departure for a generation of students.

    One incident to which Higham directed subsequent scholars was the Leo Frank case, which he called "grotesque if viewed only in the light of previous Jewish experience in the South."31 Southern Jews no doubt considered the case grotesque in any light and naturally preferred to stress more positive aspects of their past in the region. But to Higham, this exceptional event offered evidence of anti-Semitic sources far deeper than any easily visible in southern society. While recognizing the role of the region's peculiar racial attitudes, religious fundamentalism, and economic frustrations, Higham felt the affair reflected an entire nation's uncertainty about the future; the Frank case was made to fit neatly into Higham's thesis that internal ethnic hostilities were expressions of externally caused cultural crises.

    Convincing as his argument was, Higham himself quickly recognized that scholars must do more than place such incidents in an intellectual framework. In spite of the importance of ideologies, especially for the American ethnics victimized by them, the reality of ethnic relations - transcending nativism's "preoccupation with conflict and discord" - required scholarly attention.32

    Harry Golden brought a journalist's insights to the story of Leo Frank in 1965. Valuable as the first comprehensive treatment of the affair in fifty years, A Little Girl is Dead was of use to the historian only in its retelling of the facts, which in this case were without documentation.33 But three years later, Leonard Dinnerstein finally presented The Leo Frank Case in the historian’s courtroom, and the judgement, of Dinnerstein as well as Frank, must be favorable. Despite the incident's uniqueness, Dinnerstein convincingly placed it in the context of early twentieth century southern society. With a detachment impossible for Frank's contemporaries, Dinnerstein analyzed the forces a new industrial culture exercised on them with a sensitivity that might have exorcised the beasts within them. His respect for the factual record required him neither to excuse those to whom the bestially murdered Mary Phagan was a martyr, nor to make martyrs of Frank and his defenders. Dinnerstein illuminated the culture that killed Frank, noted some of the changes his killing caused, but wisely resisted the temptation to find in the incident cosmic significance.34 Since the publication of his Columbia University dissertation, Dinnerstein has become the most influential historian of southern Jewry. In 1970 and 1971 articles in scholarly Jewish journals, he pointed to several aspects of southern Jewish history that needed attention, in particular to a secondary effect of actual and/or anticipated anti-Semitism: the contradictory desire, even as the established sought to disassociate themselves from the immigrants, to deny the diversity of their own communities in order to present themselves in a universally favorable light to gentile southerners.35 And in 1973 Mary Dale Palsson joined Dinnerstein in publishing Jews in the South, a collection of articles aimed at answering some of the neglected questions.36 Included was David and Adele Bernstein's "Slow Revolution in Richmond, Va.: A New Pattern in the Making," first published in 1949.

    Rabbi Edward Nathan Calisch was dead only three years when the Bernsteins brought their New York- and Washington-acquired journalistic skills to bear on the community he had dominated for over half a century. The Richmond of 1891, when Calisch arrived at the age of twenty-six, welcomed him; the most prominent of his coreligionists at the time claimed membership in the city's most exclusive clubs. But according to the Bernsteins, even after social barriers to Jews arose around the turn of the century, Rabbi Calisch continued "creating an image of the assimilated Richmond Jew."37

    In researching his Master's essay in 1971, the author was surprised to find Rabbi Calisch, in an 1897 Richmond Dispatch report of local German Day festivities, calling the marriage of Germans and Americans "a conquering factor in the destiny of the human race."38 Despite the prevalence of Social Darwinism in that period, Calisch was probably of Polish extraction and certainly would have been excluded from sharing that destiny by Anglo-Saxon adherents to that philosophy. Yet during his career Calisch received almost every honor gentile Richmond could bestow; at first glance, his persistent popularity among Jews must appear almost as puzzling. But as the Bernsteins argued, the established German-Jewish families, perhaps fearing further erosion of their social positions, contented themselves with vicarious acceptance through Rabbi Calisch, while practicing "a polite but firm form of exclusion on Jews whose ancestry was not so deeply rooted in the Old Dominion."39

    Polish and Russian Jews, arriving in the late nineteenth century, had organized more orthodox congregations, though from his Reform pulpit Calisch seemed to speak for the entire Jewish community. Only in the 1930s did second generation eastern Europeans, enjoying "increasing economic security, but a decreasing Jewish security, principally because of the news from Europe," make "a virtue of the necessity to be Jewish." Forming a new Conservative congregation, this group openly challenged "the Calisch mentality" and the myth of a united Jewish community. Even Calisch was forced to admit, shortly before his death, that he had failed to develop "a following among Jews such as I have among Christians," while a member of his congregation confessed that in the last years he was not "loved by the Jews here, or even greatly respected."40

    Another generation had come of age before Richmond Jews were ready to make such admissions to themselves or, more to the point, to gentile Richmond. In 1973, the same year Dinnerstein and Palsson reprinted the Bernsteins' article, Rabbi Myron Berman, recently arrived to fill a Conservative Richmond pulpit, boldly confronted the question of Richmond Jewry's internal dissension. His dissertation on "The Attitude of American Jewry Towards East European Immigration, 1881-1914," completed for the history department at Columbia University in 1963, prepared Berman for such a study. 41 And as the dean of Richmond historians Virginius Dabney pointed out, the "catalytic force" of the 1967 war in Israel created a new unanimity among Richmond Jews that prepared the community jointly to confront its disjointed past.42

    In his 1973 article for the American Jewish Historical Quarterly, "Rabbi Edward Nathan Calisch and the Debate over Zionism in Richmond, Virginia," Berman succinctly explained the Calisch mystique:

... Richmond Jewry placed a high premium on communal acceptability and assimilation into the traditions of a historic Southern community. Because of the limited economic opportunities within the city, Jewish immigration ... was rather limited. Therefore, the influence of the more Zionistically and traditionally oriented East European Jew in this city evolved rather slowly. It was not so much the existence of anti-Semitism that was a factor in developing communal attitudes but an exaggerated fear of its possible implications that affected the thinking of Richmond's Jewish establishment. In fact, both Jewish and Gentile leadership often went to the opposite extreme of denying the existence of anti-Jewish feeling within the community – an attitude which inhibited their dealing with realistic problems of communal tensions.43

    "Shabbat in Shockoe," Berman subtitled his history of Richmond's Jewry, 1769-1976, published in 1979. Although his scope was wider than the Hebrew sabbath in the old section of the city, his subheading was appropriate, as Berman sought to explain the survival of the weekly observance over two centuries, despite the equally dangerous forces of philo- and anti-Semitism. Taking advantage of a wealth of unused sources from archives across the country, Berman also made use of the 1917 Ezekiel-Lichtenstein and the 1954 Greenberg studies without their cut-and-paste efforts to account for each prominent individual and organization in the community. Berman's chronologically-ordered narrative flowed with a grace rare in such a study.

    Even more impressive were the insights Berman provided by means of his access to the community's best sources, at least for the second half of the story: the memories, diaries, letters, and other documents belonging to living Richmonders. Of course, not without risk to the reputations of their relatives did they open such sources to the researcher, but their trust in Berman was well-placed. Even though readers learned that Berman's predecessor as historian, Herbert T. Ezekiel, was once accused of "Jewish anti-Semitism" for his "preconceived prejudices" toward East Europeans; even though his predecessor as rabbi, Edward N. Calisch, once a candidate for "ecumenical canonization," was criticized for his anti-Zionism; what Emerged from Berman's research was a community both southern and Jewish, surviving by and with the strengths and weaknesses of each tradition.44 Told with a sensitivity that neither excused nor accused, this story might serve as a model for ethnic historians who hope to reach scholarly and popular audiences with an appraisal of the positive potential and the pitfalls of regional and ethnic consciousness.

    Almost as thoroughly researched was Isaac Fein's The Making of an American Jewish Community: The History of Baltimore Jewry from 1773 to 1920, published in 1971, but Fein failed to find a framework capable of sustaining his wealth of information. Instead, his facts for the final forty-one year period were filed under forty-seven separate subheadings, some in small letters, some capitalized, some italicized in no apparent pattern.45 Better organized and therefore more accessible were the musings of Eli N. Evans, who in 1973 published The Provincials: A Personal History of Jews in the South. Called "graceful, entertaining, informative" by a reviewer for the American Jewish Historical Quarterly, Evans's book posed a number of important questions about southern Jews, but the undocumented answers, based on secondary sources, interviews, and personal experience, were found ultimately inadequate. Furthermore, reviewer Steven Hertzberg hoped the historian of southern Jews would ask about more than the prejudice they faced and how they confronted it. Needed were statistical analyses of east European in-migration, of the obstacles to occupational and social mobility, and of their success in overcoming them. And what of the complex relationship between blacks and Jews? Comparative residential and mobility patterns might be indicative of immigrants' assimilative efforts and successes.47 Actually, in a 1973 article in the same publication, Hertzberg himself demonstrated a determination to address just such evidence about the Jews of Atlanta.

    The reason these issues remained for Hertzberg to raise was simple: they required a patience and an expertise earlier students of the subject were unwilling or unable to bring to their research. Even Myron Berman, who explored the European origins of the most prominent of Richmond's Jewish families, offered only impressionistic evidence about the experiences brought by the East Europeans. And even if most immigrants adopted the mobility dreams of their predecessors, still unaccounted for were those who gave up, left, or left heirs unable or not inclined to tell of their failures.

    In his first published examination of "The Jewish Community of Atlanta from the End of the Civil War until the Eve of the Frank Case," Hertzberg hinted at his intention to gauge the trials and determination of the immigrants as well as the established. Internal diversity was measured by more than the organizational dates of Atlanta's five Jewish congregations, but by observing the city's changing demographic and residential patterns. While not yet validating his claims for the Higham hypothesis, that social anti-Semitism resulted from "a society vexed by its own assertiveness," Hertzberg's statistics justified his assertion that social discrimination appeared only with the arrival of Russian Jews, and that established German Jews were no less ambiguous toward the newcomers than were gentile Atlantans.48 Could a deeper analysis of the statistical evidence give new shades of meaning to this outline?49

    Indeed, a 1977 article, abstracted from Hertzberg's recently completed University of Chicago dissertation, answered this question affirmatively. In "Unsettled Jews: Geographic Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City," he used federal and city census as well as congregational records to identify and test for the persistence of adult, male, foreign-born Jews in Atlanta between 1870, 1880, 1896, and 1911. The 1870-1880 cohort registered a high rate of persistence relative to the remarkable geographic mobility revealed among immigrants in several other nineteenth century American cities.50 This was not surprising since older, more settled German-born Jews predominated. But the equally high persistence of the 1896 group, which featured a majority of younger, less skilled immigrants, demanded deeper analysis. Hertzberg found that the Russians were 55% more likely than the earlier-arriving Germans to be married on their arrival in the city, indicating that Atlanta's new immigrants were a highly selective group. Unlike the greenhorns pouring into eastern cities, unable to speak English and anxious for the security of a familiar culture, those consciously choosing to come to Atlanta were at least partially assimilated and more likely to be equipped with the capital and/or skills needed to gain occupational and geographic stability. Revealing was the fact that of 195 recent Russian immigrants relocated in Atlanta by the Jewish-run Industrial Removal Office between 1901 and 1911, only 15% remained by the latter date, while 55% of the 483 Russians present in the city in 1896 persisted in 1911.51

    These statistics alone offered an obvious explanation for the new exclusiveness of the gentile elite, who in a relatively young if prosperous city must have felt threatened by this invasion of energetic Jews. And if they were hereafter to be barred from elite society, Atlanta's German Jews could deny their insecurities by excluding the newcomers from their own business, religious, and social circles. Jewish-run charities could now be seen as both benevolent and patronizing, aimed at aiding established Jews and immigrants alike by accelerating the latter's Americanization, if not eliminating their embarrassingly alien accents and orthodoxy.

My feelings, upon the arrest of the old negro nightwatchman, were to the effect that this one old negro would be poor atonement for the life of this innocent girl. But, when on the next day the police arrested a Jew, and a Yankee Jew, at that, all the inborn prejudice against Jews rose up in a feeling of satisfaction, that here would be a victim worthy to pay for the crime.52

Although many from both groups spoke courageously in Frank's defense, established Jews and gentiles remained ambiguous about the strangers in their land, the former fearing further retribution, the latter, "vexed by [their] own assertiveness," projecting their guilt upon an outsider.

    Hertzberg himself was labeled an "outsider" by Eli N. Evans. Perhaps the former's lukewarm reception of Evans's book The Provincials predisposed the latter to disparage Hertzberg's "coldly professional eye" despite his "careful, definitive, meticulous" research.53 But while Strangers within the Gate City could be strengthened by the insiders' insights available to Richmond's Myron Berman, or even by Evans's engaging style, Hertzberg set the standard by which future students of southern ethnics must be judged. Only after erecting an analytical framework can the ethnic experience be evaluated. Only after identifying the immigrants in the context of their original and adopted cultures can their individual efforts be appreciated, their community concerns understood. Despite the explosive prejudice they have occasionally known, despite the persistent pressures passively to accept prevailing social patterns, southern Jews have played an increasingly outspoken role in the recent social, economic, and political resurgence of the region. As they add to their impressive contributions to the South, one cannot doubt that they will continue earnestly to explore their past, even the picture provided by the occasional outsider, who must also consider their story worth knowing.

 

    Italians, at times, may have been more numerous than Jews in the New South, but their story has been seldom told. The earliest attention given them followed a series of atrocities in Louisiana and Mississippi in the 1890s. The worst was the lynching in 1891 of eleven Italians, acquitted of charges that they had killed a New Orleans policeman. Southern reaction was typified by the Richmond State, which applauded the lynchings and concluded, "it certainly was terrible that an organized band of murderers should exist in a civilized community," which "was justified in ridding itself of them."54 Italian government protests were answered by Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, who used the incidents to renew his call for immigration restriction.55 The violence was renewed in 1907, when a crippled Italian shoemaker in Sumrall, Mississippi, was beaten for protesting discrimination against immigrant children in the public schools. Indignant Italian officials were joined by a few northern periodicals in protesting, but unrecorded were the reactions of the immigrant community.56

    Dozens of articles purporting to describe successful Italian settlements in the South appeared between 1904 and 1910, but as noted earlier, these consistently said more about the authors than their subjects. Advocates of schemes to attract Italian labor to southern cotton and cane fields made extravagant claims for immigrants' energy, superiority over black workers, and adaptability to American - and more particularly southern - social and political standards. Critics spoke of padrones, stilettos, and racial amalgamation. The willingness of each group to see only what it wished was apparent in the accounts of "Sunnyside," an Arkansas cotton plantation which recruited Italian farm laborers in the late 1890s. Disease, bad weather, and poor management almost killed the colony within a couple of years, and to some, Sunnyside symbolized the futility of foreign labor experiments. But when a remnant of the colony resurfaced at Tontitown, Arkansas, a few years later, planter interests seized the settlement as their own symbol. Overcoming all adversities, the energetic Italians were reported rapidly assimilating with surrounding natives.57 Yet a decade later, after the immigration schemes had been abandoned, a representative of the Italian government visited the community and discovered a "medieval" Italian town, totally isolated from both old and new worlds.58

    One of the most reliable contemporary sources on the Italian settlements was reported to be Baron Edmondo Mayor des Planches' Attraverso Gli Stati Uniti, a memoir of the former Italian ambassador's travels through America. According to Robert L. Brandon, who used the book in writing The Cotton Kingdom of the New South, Mayor des Planches was an astute observer, noting, for example, that to the owners, "the Italian at Sunnyside is a human machine of production. Better than the Negro, a more perfect machine [than the Negro] but beside him a machine nevertheless.

    The best first-hand reports in English were the extensive studies for the Dillingham Immigration Commission in 1909-10. Despite the final abstract's advocacy of immigration restriction, the information collected in the field became the single most impressive if still seldom cited source on the new immigrants, those in the South, for once, included. A weakness in the work was the willingness of agents to rely on published accounts of settlements whenever available. Thus on Sunnyside and Tontitown, the report quoted and confirmed the findings of Alfred Holt Stone and other planter interests.60 But for these and other settlements, the surveyors typically catalogued information on the labor conditions in an immigrant's home country; his occupation before emigrating; present occupations, daily and yearly earnings of all household members; the relationship between a husband's earnings and his wife's propensity to keep boarders; the relationship between duration of residency and earning ability; the relative importance of the various sources of family income; regularity of employment; attitudes toward organized labor; housing and living conditions; geographic persistence; literacy and ability to speak English; citizenship proclivities; the effect of foreign labor on native workers; and a wealth of other data presented in tables, charts, and maps, as well as narrative reports. Also included was a brief history of each immigrant community, while summary sections often detailed employers' opinions on the advantages or shortcomings of the various immigrant groups and evaluated the impact of each on the industrial or agricultural conditions in the vicinity.

    A few specific findings for Italians, to demonstrate further the value of these reports, included the following: despite the oft-stated southern preference for northern Italians, 80% of the foreign farm laborers in Louisiana were from southern Italy.61 Such workers were secured by labor agencies in northern cities, whose fees were subtracted from the first wages; independent recruiters, usually paid $1 per head on delivery; or padrones, who supplied labor without fee to an employer but subtracted transportation, food, and miscellaneous costs from workers' wages. This last method was common for Italians because they were notoriously tight-fisted with their earnings, and employer-operated commissaries, which turned high profits with black or Croatian workers, stood idle with Italians. Mistreatment of an Italian worker would often prompt the entire force to leave, so some employers guaranteed padrones' investments by hiring armed guards to keep Italians on the job until their transportation costs had been paid. Several cases of peonage were uncovered, "race prejudice" was widespread, and intermarriage between native whites and Italians did not occur. Blacks were reported to resent Italian industry, but employers seemed split in their preferences for the two groups.62 Most impressive was the genuine concern with which these conditions were conveyed: these were not the reports of cold-blooded bureaucrats, but of earnest, open-eyed informants, and their subjects were not cardboard, but flesh and blood human beings, suffering, struggling, surviving.

    One commission agent noted that Italians, who had been gaining a foothold in the Tampa cigar making industry, had stopped coming in 1908; many previously there had left. The economic downturn of 1907 was blamed, but the reporter was confident that Italian immigration to the South would resume with recovery.63 It never did. Southern social conditions, the active opposition of Italian emigration officials, and the better wages available elsewhere combined to kill the interest Italians and Southerners had in one another. This indifference persisted for over half a century.

    Finally in 1965, George E. Cunningham of Texas Southern University took a scholarly interest in "The Italian: A Hindrance to White Solidarity in Louisiana, 1890-1898." Mob violence, justified by the New Orleans Times-Democrat against Italians because it was common against blacks, resulted not simply from Louisianans' looseness with racial classifications, but from Italians' potential to boost black political power in black majority parishes. Democrats, dethroned in the state legislature by Populist-Republican fusion in 1892, sought black disfranchisement through constitutional amendment in 1896, only to find Italians parading in opposition in New Orleans. When three more Italians were lynched later that year, blacks joined Italians at the burial, though both groups were described as "almost terror stricken." The suffrage amendment's defeat prompted a constitutional convention, but there the New Orleans political machine thwarted the planters' efforts to disfranchise Italians as well as blacks. Still, the lesson was clear: Italians "had better adopt the customs, prejudices, and way of life of white Louisianans as soon as possible."64 To what extent did the Italians accept these values? The articles by boosters in the early twentieth century indicated rapid assimilation, but one must consider the source. Italian immigration was pictured at once a stimulant to black enterprise and emigration, while blacks faced economic extinction from the same immigration they prevented by their presence.65 Furthermore, the desire of some Southerners to separate blacks and Italians, whose deeds to land in a North Carolina colony prohibited subsequent sale to blacks, was countered by the willingness of others to exploit each group equally.66 Already cited were the Justice Department's discoveries of peonage in the South, where "the 'dagoes' were regarded as about on a par with 'niggers’."67 Although immigrant reaction again went unreported, an Italian government official wrote that "Italian feeling rebels on hearing that our peasants are compared to Asiatics or negroes."68

    Robert L. Brandfon's 1967 study of the experiments with Italian cotton growers did not disregard the claims made by planter interests for the foreigners’ superior work habits. But he also noted that, at least in the early years, "experienced Negro tenants were introduced on a segregated basis among Italian tenants."69 No conflicts were reported. A student of Italians in the Louisiana sugar parishes called "neutrality ... the keynote" in Italian-black relations. The southern Italian brought with him a provincial's tendency neither to accept nor reject outsiders: "indifference ... led to a minimum of interaction."70

    The last cited source was Jean Ann Scarpaci, now Jean Vincenza Scarpaci, whose "Immigrants in the New South: Italians in Louisiana’s Sugar Parishes, 1880-1910" displayed great promise. The article originated as a paper read before the American Historical Association in New Orleans in 1972, and was published in 1979 in American Workingclass Culture: Explorations in American Labor and Social History, edited by Milton Cantor. Surprising was Scarpaci's failure to cite the rich Dillingham Commission surveys, but she did uncover several other insightful sources: surviving immigrants to the sugar parishes, whom she interviewed in 1965 and 1966. Several Italian periodicals and government reports were also consulted, emphasizing Scarpaci's capacity and willingness to explore the cultures immigrants brought as well as those encountered, an essential step in any serious ethnic study.

    Scarpaci's brief study also emphasized the cultural integrity of each group, and it was this that may explain the ultimate failure of the effort to persuade Italian immigrants to continue their contributions to the creation of a New South. As indicated, the Italians quickly adjusted to the new experience of working and living in proximity to blacks. But as one Italian later reported, "he and his family were made to live among the Negroes and were treated in the same manner." In the beginning, "he did not mind because he did not know any difference, but when he learned the position that Negroes occupied in this country, he demanded that his family be moved to a different house and be given better treatment."71 Here was the key, for if neutrality had been the keynote in Italians' relationship with blacks, neutrality with whites was ultimately impossible. Both the Italian and the planter had an interest in immigration, and for a time each adjusted himself to enjoy the benefits offered by the other. The Italians' seasonal immigration patterns - working the cane in winter, returning to northern cities or even Italy in summer - allowed some time for psychic scars to heal, but they would swallow only so much of their pride. White Southerners took great pride in the black-white social system they had been able to maintain even after emancipation. For all their economic potential, foreigners would not be allowed to undermine the foundation of southern society. Finally realizing the limits of cultural flexibility, both groups backed off. The Italians sought their destinies elsewhere, while planters realized anew that theirs remained anchored to those of blacks.

    Even though her evidence indicated the accessibility of such an argument, Scarpaci had no ambition to engage it in her article. Perhaps in her other papers, presented to a wide variety of professional organizations, she has done or plans to do so. Scheduled for publication in January 1981, by Arno Press, is a reprint of her Rutgers University dissertation of 1972, "Italian Immigrants in Louisiana's Sugar Parishes: Recruitment, Labor Conditions, and Community Relations, 1880-1910," and a "somewhat more analytical version will appear in the new Journal of American Ethnic History."72 More than likely her impressive insights into the New South immigrant experience will be evident here.

    If Italians refused the proffered place as cotton pickers and cane cutters, another immigrant group to the Mississippi Delta found a gap in the southern economic system that permitted a gradual social and even a racial realignment. This breakthrough was captured in a quote, used to introduce the only study done to date of this group, taken from an interview with a white Baptist minister in Clarksdale, Mississippi: "You're either a white man or a nigger, here. Now, that's the whole story. When I first came to the Delta, the Chinese were classed as nigras." [And now they are classed whites?] "That's right!"73

    James W. Loewen's The Mississippi Chinese: Between Black and White, published by Harvard University in 1971, described the rapid economic progress of a few dozen Chinese immigrants, who quickly deserted the cotton fields they had been imported to cultivate for the retail grocery business. But for the 183 Delta Chinese in 1900 and the 1200 in 1970, their position in southern society remained ambiguous. Loewen hoped that a study of the Chinese struggle to escape segregation and discrimination would demonstrate the system's complexity as well as its flexibility.

    Loewen's sociological orientation and primary reliance on the recollections of Delta residents resulted in a focus on the second half of the century of Chinese presence in Mississippi, but a convincing picture of Chinese immigration and enterprise in the early years emerged. The similarities between Italian, Chinese, and Jewish immigrants - the first and second originally sojourners to Delta plantations, the second and third with similar retailing talents - did not occur to Loewen. Nor did he take advantage of the easy identification of the Chinese in census and tax records definitively to document their economic achievements. But he was careful to examine the Chinese experience within the context of culture, caste, and class in Mississippi. Although Loewen's sources on Chinese emigration could not be connected with certainty to the Delta immigrants, the extended family structure and the competitive urge among Chinese were demonstrated keys to their rapid economic success. The obverse of these strengths obtained among Delta blacks, and whites offered little competition for blacks' business, leaving the opening Chinese merchants exploited. Their small numbers, quiet acceptance of southern social strictures, economic mobility, and geographic stability allowed the Chinese to break their identification with blacks in white minds.74 While Loewen's work was an impressive, scholarly addition to the history of southern ethnics, the Chinese experience was too unique to serve as the model he sought for blacks as the bonds of segregation were broken in the 1960s and seventies.

    Dillingham Immigration Commission reports documented the presence in the South of several numerically significant communities of eastern Europeans. Statistical data were provided for Magyars, Slovaks, and Poles in the mining and steel industries of Virginia and Alabama.75 Croats were reportedly recruited for railroad construction because they worked hard and spent freely in company commissaries.76 Polish agricultural communities in Arkansas were "fully Americanized" except for the survival of the native language among older settlers.77 Despite published praise for the two hundred Poles settled near Wilmington, North Carolina, commission agents located "no [Polish] colonies of importance ... in the South east of the Mississippi River," while "a [Bohemian] colony in the vicinity of Petersberg, Virginia, was not studied."78 Fortunately, these oversights were corrected in 1929 with the publication of Immigrant Farmers and their Children, edited by Edmund deS. Brunner.

    Conceived as an answer to the allegations against new immigrants' intellectual and assimilative abilities, this volume was produced by The Institute of Social and Religious Studies, organized in 1921 "to combine the scientific method with the religious motive." Included were investigations of four rural immigrant communities, two of them in the South, and whether or not they afforded "practical help to the ... rural church men, educators, and social workers" at whom the editor aimed, the studies became invaluable for a subsequent generation of historians.79

    An early description of several immigrant colonies near Wilmington, North Carolina, distinguished them not at all from the dozens doomed to a rapid demise in other parts of the South. The lavish praise for promoter Hugh MacRae, and his experiments seemed typical of the genre, down to the old world names chosen for the immigrants' new homes: a "St. Helena" for northern Italians, a "New Berlin" for the Germans, an "Artesia" for the English, and a "Marathon" for the Greeks.80 According to Robert W. McCulloch, the settlements suffered many of the setbacks that made most such ventures mere curiosities on southern roadmaps: the uncleared land required more stamina than some immigrants possessed; bachelors brought from England and Greece became bored in the boondocks and drifted away; prohibition, which might have made their product even more profitable, prompted Italians to abandon their vineyards and the colony. But the M. I. T.-trained MacRae refused to submit: Dutchmen were recruited to replace the English, Poles and Hungarians the Italians and Greeks, and although the original plan called for strict segregation by nationality, an inadvertently integrated community called Castle Hayne became the experiment's showplace, described in McCulloch's contribution to the Institute's study.

    If less suspect than the colony's earliest publicist, McCulloch was a recruit to MacRae's latest cause. "Chambers of commerce and other organizations" in six southern states had been mobilized by MacRae to study the feasibility of a general colonization plan, modeled on Castle Hayne and designed to halt a wholesale exodus form the rural South. A U. S. Department of the Interior-sanctioned commission found the colony worthy of emulation, preliminary efforts at which continued as McCulloch ccmpleted his study in 1927. But if his purpose was to promote and his reportage impressionistic, McCulloch's message maintained an authoritative and sensitive tone. His account of the quick acclimation of immigrants at Castle Hayne - cultural as well as economic - seemed a convincing contrast to the settlements with single nationalities, which "remained strangers to American ways."81

    One such settlement was the subject on Nels Anderson's "Petersberg: A Study of a Colony of Czecho-Slovakian Farmers in Virginia," also for The Institute of Social and Religious Studies. Despite substantial internal diversification, the Czechs - called "Bohemians" locally - remained removed from native society forty years and two generations after their arrival. Anderson, who later wrote widely on migrant workers and other labor-related issues, brought a trained sociologist's eye to his efforts to explain the continuing isolation. And although the Institute's impulse was openly religious, Anderson's objectivity was affirmed by his holding area evangelicals responsible for fragmentation within the Czech community. Where Protestants and Catholics had once been cordial, Lutheran, Baptist, and Presbyterian proselytizing had produced "a strained feeling." Prohibition added to the internal dissent, while Protestant anti-dancing propaganda undermined even the strong ties within Czech families.82

    Even the evangelical inroads opened few opportunities for Czechs outside their own circles. The missionary effort of a Petersberg Presbyterian congregation consisted of prayers for unpronouncable names on slips of paper, passed to parishoners each Sunday. According to Anderson, "the effort failed somehow, no personal contacts were made, and the church dropped back to the old custom of contributing money and leaving the details to [its] missionary society." Although Anderson's arguments were bolstered by statistical analyses of county tax and voting records and school aptitude tests, such astute observations remained his article's chief strength. For example, he noted that immigrants were initially criticized for a supposed intimacy with blacks - they were "reported to have eaten with them and to have shaken their hands, even to have called them 'Mister’." But by the twenties, native farmers' dependence on black labor had "earned ... the contempt of Bohemian farmers. On the other hand, the Virginians, satisfied with their, economic relationship with" blacks, looked "with contempt upon Bohemian farmers who allow their women and children to slave in the fields."83

    The sources described in this paper by no means provide a comprehensive history of newcomers to the New South. For example, the Immigration Commission reports mentioned communities of Japanese pineapple growers, Greek sponge fishermen, and Cuban cigar makers, all in Florida, none of which have attracted scholarly attention.84 Yet despite the insensitivity which often awaited its immigrants, and despite the black-and-white picture often painted of the New South, the region featured a far more colorful and diverse population than previously imagined, a fact emphasized by a Methodist missions report of 1924. In a recent fifteen-sermon tour of Mississippi, the Syrian-born Reverend Charles Assaf reputedly converted, in addition to one black and twenty-six Confederate veterans, "eight Chinese, eight Mexicans, one Italian, one Syrian, ... and one Mohammedan."85 Each of these nationalities and other immigrants in the New South deserve the professional attention and personal sensitivity that Nels Anderson brought to his study of the "Bohemians" of Petersberg more than half a century ago. Future students can bring no more important qualifications to their task.

---

Notes

1. John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism,

1860-1925 (Rutgers University Press, 1955), 167.

2. Rowland T. Berthoff, "Southern Attitudes Toward Immigration, 1865-1914," Journal of Southern History, XVII (1951), 328.

3. Patrick Reed, "Nativism in Virginia in the 1890s," in James T. Wall, ed., The Landscape of American History: ' Essays in Memoriam to Richard W. Griffin (University Press of America, 1979), 95-119. On efforts to promote immigration, see Bert James Loewenberg, "Efforts of the South to Encourage Immigration, 1865-1900," South Atlantic Quarterly, XXXIII (1934), 363-85, and Henry Marshall Booker, "Efforts of the South to Attract Immigrants, 1860-1900," (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1965).

4. Richmond Dispatch, December 19, 1890, 3.

5. Harper's Weekly, XXXVIII (1894), 914; quotes from the New York World and New York Press found in Richmond Dispatch, April 9, 1893, 4, and Manufacturers’ Record, XXIII (1893), 380.

6. Baron Edmondo Mayor des Planches, "A Model Italian Colony in Arkansas," The American Monthly Review of Reviews, XXXIV (1906), 361-62; Alfred Holt Stone, "Italian Cotton-Growers in Arkansas," The American Monthly Review of Reviews, XXXV (1907), 209-13; Robert DeCourcy Ward, "Immigration and the South," Atlantic Monthly, XCVI (1905), 611-17; I. L. Leucht, "Opportunities in the South for the Immigrant," Charities, XX (1908), 275-77; "Where Immigrants Are Wanted," The Nation, LXXX (1905), 6-7; "Immigration and the South," The Nation, LXXXII (1906), 398-99; "The South and Immigration," The Outlook, LXXXIII (1906), 778-79; "Italians in the South," The Outlook, LXXXVII (1907), 556-57; "The South Wants Italians," The Outlook, LXXXVII (1907), 557-58; Alice Bennett, "Italians as Farmers and Fruit Growers," The Outlook, XC (1908), 87-88; Frederick Boyd Stevenson, "Italian Colonies in the Uriited States, A New Solution for the Immigration Problem," Public Opinion, XXXIX (1905), 453-56; Felice Ferrero, "A New St. Helena," The Survey, XXIII (1909), 171-80; "Immigration to the South," World's Work, XIV 1907), 8959-60; Robert W. Vincent, "Successful Immigrants in the South," World's Work, XVII (1908), 10908-11; Walter L. Fleming, "Immigration and the Negro Problem," The World To-day, XII (1907), 96-97. Black opinions on the prospect of foreign labor were offered by Frederick Douglass, who wrote around 1880 that it would never displace blacks "from the sugar and cotton-fields of Louisiana and Mississippi.... The dependence of the planters, land-owners, and old master class of the South upon the negro is nearly complete and perfect," and Booker T. Washington, who told southern businessmen in 1894 to "'Cast down your bucket where you are' among 8,000,000 negroes, whose habits you know, whose loyalty and love you have tested." See Stone, "Italian Cotton-Growers in Arkansas," 209, and Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, September 24, 1894, 4.

7. Alfred Holt Stone, "The Italian Cotton Grower: The Negro's Problem," South Atlantic Quarterly, IV (1905), 42-47; Emily Fogg Meade, "Italian Immigration into the South," South Atlantic Quarterly, IV (1905), 217-23; Lee J. Langley, "Italians in the Cotton Fields," Southern Farm Magazine, XII (1904), 8-9.

8. G. E. Di Palma Castiglione, "Italian Immigration into the United States, 1901-4," The American Journal of Sociology, XI (1905), 183-206; Walter L. Fleming, "Immigration to the Southern States," Political Science Quarterly, XX (1905), 276-97.

9. "Italians in the South," The Outlook, LXXXVII (1907), 556-57; "The South Wants Italians," The Outlook, LXXXVII (1907), 557-58. On the 1907 anti-Italian gubernatorial campaign of Jeff Truly, see Albert D. Kirwan, Revolt of the Rednecks: Mississippi Politics, 1876-1925 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1951), 185-86.

10. "Southern Peonage and Immigration," The Nation, LXXXV (1907), 557. House Reports, Vol. 1, 60 Cong., 1 Sess., 1907-08 (Serial No. 5225), Report No. 1114, included a resolution "that the Immigration Commission ... make an investigation into the treatment ... of immigrants in the cotton plantations of the Mississippi Delta, ... and upon the turpentine farms, lumber camps, and railway camps in the ... southern States."

11. Caroline E. MacGill, "Immigration into the Southern States," in The South in the Building of the Nation (Richmond: The Southern Historical Publication Society, 1909), VI, 592.

12. Annual Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration, 1908 (Washington: GPO, 1908), 66.

13. Robert L. Brandfon, Cotton Kingdom of the New South: A History of the Yazoo Mississippi Delta from Reconstruction to the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), 159-61.

14. Robert F. Foerster, The Italian Emigration of Our Times (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1924), 342-62, 416-30; Di Palma Castiglione, "Italian Immigration into the United States," 1901-4," 202-06.

15. Brandfon, Cotton Kingdom of the New South, 165.

16. Leonard Dinnerstein, "A Note on Southern Attitudes Toward Jews," Jewish Social Studies, XXXII (1970), 43-49; Steven Hertzberg, "The Jewish Community of Atlanta from the End of the Civil War Until the Eve of the Frank Case," American Jewish Historical Quarterly, LXII (1973), 250-85.

17. Distribution of Admitted Aliens and Other Residents, Proceedings of the Conference of State Immigration, Land, and Labor Officials with Representatives of the Division of Information, Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization, Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, D. C., November 16-17, 1911 (Washington: GPO, 1912) , 79.

18. Ibid., 90-91.

19. Annual Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration, 1910 (Washington: GPO, 1910), 202-03.

20. Ward, "Immigration and the South," 616.

21. Manufacturers' Record, XLVII, Part 2 (1905), 497.

22. Stanley F. Chyet, "Ludwig Lewisohn in Charleston (1892-1903)," Amer-

ican Jewish Historical Quarterly, LIV (1965), 299-300, 302-03.

23. Herbert T. Ezekiel and Gaston Lichtenstein, The History of the Jews of Richmond from 1769 to 1917 (Richmond: H. T. Ezekiel, l917), 7, 12. See also Barnett A. Elzas, The Jews of South Carolina (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1905); Isidor Blum, The Jews of Baltimore (Baltimore: Historical Review Publishing Co., 1910); Rabbi David Marx, "History of the Jews of Atlanta," Reform Advocate, November 4, 1911; Leo Shpall, The Jews of Louisiana (New Orleans: Steeg Printing and Publishing Co., 1936).

24. Mrs. David J. Greenberg, Through the Years: A Study of the Richmond Jewish Community (Richmond: privately published, 1954).

25. Mark H. Elovitz, A Century of Jewish Life in Dixie: The Birmingham

Experience (University, Ala.: University of Alabama Press, 1974).

26. Julian B. Feibelman, A Social and Economic Study of the New Orleans Jewish Community (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press , 1941) , 129. Despite several efforts to establish Jewish agricultural colonies, the Dillingham Immigration Commission found "no Hebrew rural colonies of any significance in the South." "Reports of the Immigration Commission," Senate Docs., 61 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 633, XXI (Serial No. 5682), 8. Also see Louis Ginsberg, "The Jewish Colony at Waterview," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXVI (1958), 459-62.

27. Harry L. Golden, Jewish Roots in the Carolinas: A Pattern of American Philo-Semitism (Greensboro, N. C., 1955), 56.

28. Harry L. Golden, "The Jews of the South," Congress Weekly, XVIII (December 31, 1951), 7-11; "Jew and Gentile in the New South: Segregation at Sundown," Commentary, XX (1955), 403-12.

29. C. Bezalel Sherman, "Charleston, S. C. 1750-1950," Jewish Frontier, XVIII (1951), 14-16.

30. John Higham, "Social Discrimination against Jews, 1830-1930," Send These to Me: Jews and Other Imniigrants in Urban America (New York: Atheneum, 1975), 164; originally published in American Jewish Historical Quarterly, XLVII (1957), 1-33. Thomas D. Clark, then Chairman of the History Department at the University of Kentucky, recapitulated these arguments in a poorly organized address on "The Post-Civil War Economy in the South," delivered to the American Jewish Historical Society in 1966. See American Jewish Historical Quarterly, LV (1966), 424-33.

31. John Higliam, "Anti-Semitism and American Culture," Send These to Me, 176.

32. John Higham, "Another Look at Nativism," Send These to Me, 115; originally published in Catholic Historical Review, XLIV (1958) , 147-58.

33. Harry L. Golden, A Little Girl is Dead (Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1965). See also C. Vann Woodward, Tom Watson: Agrarian Rebel (New York: Macmillan, 1938).

34. Leonard Dinnerstein, The Leo Frank Case (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968).

35. Leonard Dinnerstein, "A Note on Southern Attitudes Toward Jews," Jewish Social Studies, XXXII (1970), 43-49; "A Neglected Aspect of Southern Jewish History," American Jewish Historical Quarterly, LXI (1971), 52-68.

36. Leonard Dinnerstein and Mary Dale Palsson, eds., Jews in the South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1973),

37. David and Adele Bernstein, "Slow Revolution in Richmond, Va.: A New Pattern in the Making," Jews in the South, 254; originally published in Commentary, VIII (1949), 539-46.

38. Richmond Dispatch, September 30, 1897, 7.

39. Bernsteins, "Slow Revolution in Richmond," 255.

40. Ibid., 257, 255.

41. Myron Berman, "The Attitude of American Jewry Towards East European Immigration, 1881-1914," (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1963).

42. Myron Berman, Richmond's Jewry, 1769-1976: Shabbat in Shockoe (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1979), xii-xiii.

43. Myron Berman, "Rabbi Edward Nathan Calisch and the Debate over Zionism in Richmond, Virginia," American Jewish Historical Ouarterly, LXII (1973), 304-05.

44. Berman, Richmond's Jewry, 248, 242.

45. Isaac M. Fein, The Making of an American Jewish Community: The History of Baltimore Jewry, 1773 to 1920 (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1971).

46. Eli N. Evans, The Provincials: A Personal History of Jews in the South (New York: Atheneum, 1973).

47. Steven Hertzberg, review of The Provincials, American Jewish Historical Quarterly, LXIV (1975), 269-71.

48. Steven Hertzberg, "The Jewish Community of Atlanta from the End of the Civil War Until the Eve of the Frank Case," American Jewish Historical Quarterly, LXII (1973), 271-72, 274.

49. Richard L. Zweigenhaft's 1979 article, "Two Cities in North Carolina: A Comparative Study of Jews in the Upper Class," made the self-evident point that the historic presence of economically prominent Jewish families inhibited the growth of anti-Semitism in southern cities. Since even Jewish communities as deeply rooted as those of Charleston and Richmond were subject to some anti-Semitism, Zweigenhaft's argument needed quantifiable evidence - of economic mobility rates, residential patterns, or analysis of elite club membership roles - to determine the degree to which his variable operated. Jewish Social Studies, XVI (1979), 291-300.

50. See Stephan Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress in a Nineteenth-Century City (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964); Stephan Thernstrom, The Other Bostonians, Poverty and Progress in the American Metropolis, 1880-1920 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973; Howard P. Chudacoff, Mobile Americans: Residential and Social Mobility in Omaha, 1880-1920 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972); Clyde Griffen, "Making It in America: Social Mobility in Mid-Nineteenth Century Poughkeepsie," New York History, LI (1970), 479-99; Dean R. Esslinger, Immigrants and the City: Ethnicity and Mobility in a Nineteenth-Century Midwestern Community (Port Washington, N. Y.: Kennikat, 1975).

51. Steven Hertzberg, "Unsettled Jews: Geographic Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City," American Jewish Historical Quarterly, LXVII (1977), 125-39.

52. Steven Hertzberg, Strangers within the Gate City: The Jews of Atlanta, 1845-1915 (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1978), 125-39.

53. Eli N. Evans, review of Strangers within the Gate City, American Jewish Historical Quarterly, LXVIII (1978), 100-05.

54. Richmond State, April 19, 1893, 3.

55. Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, "Lynch Law and Unrestricted Immigration," North American Review, CLII (1891), 602-12.

56. (Italian) Senator Augusto Pierantoni, "Italian Feeling on American Lynching," The Independent, LV (1903), 2040-42; "The Italian Lynchings," The Outlook, LXII (1899), 735; "Italians in the South," and "The South Wants Italians," The Outlook, LXXXVII (1907), 556-57, 557-58.

57. Brandfon, Cotton Kingdom of the New South, 163; Mayor des Planches, "A Model Italian Colony in Arkansas," 361-62; Stone, "Italian Cotton-Growers in Arkansas," 209-13.

58. Bruno Roselli, "An Arkansas Epic," Century Magazine, XCIX (1919-20), 377-86.

59. Brandfon, Cotton Kingdom of the New South, 163.

60. Their position did not necessarily contradict the restrictionist recommendation of the Commission, as many northern proponents of restriction also advocated directing new or relocating earlier immigrants away from northern cities.

61. "Reports of the Immigration Commission," Senate Docs., 61 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 633, XXI (Serial No. 5682), 9.

62. Ibid., XVIII (Serial No. 5679), 453-59.

63. Ibid., XV (Serial No. 5676), 192.

64. George E. Cunningham, "The Italian, A Hindrance to White Solidarity in Louisiana, 1890-1898," The Journal of Negro History, L (1965), 32, 36.

65. The best summary of these views was Alfred Holt Stone's Studies in

the American Race Problem (New York: Doubleday, 1908).

66. Robert W. Vincent, "Successful Immigrants in the South," World's Work, XVII (1908), 10910.

67. "Southern Peonage and Immigration," The Nation, LXXXV (1907), 557.

68. Pierantoni, "Italian Feeling on American Lynching," 2041.

69. Brandfon, Cotton Kingdom of the New South, 146.

70. Jean Ann Scarpaci, "Immigrants in the New South: Italians in Louisiana's Sugar Parishes, 1880-1910," in Milton Cantor, ed., American Workingclass Culture: Explorations in American Labor and Social History (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1979), 388-89.

71. Ibid., 389.

72. Letter from Jean Vincenza Scarpaci, Towson, Maryland, November 13, 1980.

73. james W. Loewen, The Mississippi: Between Black and White (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), introduction.

74. Failing to make the breakthrough were the Chinese who intermarried with blacks. Loewen, The Mississippi Chinese, 135-42.

75. "Reports of the Immigration Commission," Senate Docs., 61 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 633, LXIX (Serial No. 5668), 165-66; IX (Serial No. 5670), 169-265, 640-700.

76. Ibid., XVIII (Serial No. 5679), 458-59.

77. Ibid., XXII (Serial No. 5683), 361-69.

78. Ibid., XXI (Serial No. 5682), 8-9.

79. Edmund deS. Brunner, Immigrant Farmers and Their Children (Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1929), foreword.

80. Vincent, "Successful Immigrants in the South," 10908-11.

81. Robert W. McCulloch, "Castle Hayne: A Study of an Experiment in the Colonization of Foreign-born Farmers in North Carolina," in Brunner, ed., Immigrant Farmers and Their Children, 145.

82. Nels Anderson, "Petersburg: A Study of a Colony of Czecho-Slovakian Farmers in Virginia," in Brunner, ed., Immigrant Farmers and Their Children, 196.

83. Ibid., 198, 210.

84. This last group did attract the attention of Methodist missionaries in the 1920s, although the effort was abandoned when it was found that, according to a missions secretary, "the saturation of their bodies with nicotine" made "it difficult to bring them to ... Christianity." Elmer T. Clark, The Latin Immigrant in the South (Nashville, Tenn.: Cokesbury Press, 1924), 52.

85. Ibid., 56-57.

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